Editorial

A weakened government back in office and a stronger and more energised opposition to take it on in Parliament. The net outcome of the 2024 elections can perhaps be seen only as a modest pro-opposition tilt in the balance of forces. In a functional democracy it should mean a restrained executive and consequently a restored political equilibrium in society and governance. But parliamentary democracy in India in 2024 is anything but functional. Relentless erosion of democracy has been the new normal in Modi's India since 2014.

On 4th June, 2024, as the outcome of the 18th Loksabha election was being broadcast, the future of 24 lakhs NEET aspirants was declared to be marred in yet another corruption. The results of the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) that is held for admission to MBBS, Dental and Ayush courses in the medical colleges throughout the country were declared on the same day as Loksabha election results, so that the former does not attract any media attention.

Against the spirit of the 2024 Mandate, the BJP-led NDA continues to hold on to power, thanks to the crucial support extended by two key allies, TDP from Andhra Pradesh and JDU from Bihar. Narendra Modi is back as Prime Minister for his consecutive third term. Back with him as his number two is Amit Shah. Most other key members of Modi 2.0 are also back, largely with their erstwhile ministerial portfolios.

Democracy in India received a powerful and much-needed shot in the arm in the 2024 elections. It was an election in which no Modi jumla worked, and the BJP found itself almost clueless in the face of a massive assertion of the people's core agenda of livelihood and liberties and determination to save the Constitution and the rich diversity of India.

The 2024 LS elections are drawing to a close. Regardless of the eventual outcome which we will know on June 4, the common people of India have already achieved a major victory in these elections. The ruling BJP, flush with funds and equipped with massive propaganda power and administrative backing, has been left bereft of any effective jumla or talking point.

Two months ago, the Election Commission of India had announced the poll schedule with grand assurances of free and fair elections and strict enforcement of the model code of conduct. The ECI has already failed the model code test with its refusal to take any action on complaints of brazen and repeated violation of the model code by the Prime Minister and other senior leaders of the BJP. But now the ECI's reluctance to come clean with the voter turnout data has cast the biggest shadow on the ongoing electoral battle.

On 7 May when the third phase of the ongoing elections was taking place in India, the Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council (EAC-PM) issued a working paper ostensibly to present a comparative study on the changing share of religious minorities in 167 countries of the world between 1950 and 2015.

Nearly midway through the protracted 2024 elections, the BJP has completely junked its rhetoric of universal development and inclusion ('sabka saath sabka vikas') and embraced unbridled anti-Muslim hate as the only theme of its poll campaign. The accusations being made against the opposition by Narendra Modi and other senior BJP leaders are getting increasingly bizarre and toxic.

The second phase of the ongoing Lok Sabha elections has consolidated the trends that surfaced with the first phase - fatigue and dejection among BJP voters and growing frustration and desperation of the Sangh-BJP top brass. Voting is now over in close to two hundred seats across India. States like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand have already given loud indications about the expected 2024 outcome giving rise to the formula 'south mein saaf, north mein half' (sweep NDA away in southern states, reduce it to half in the northern states).

Just one phase of the elections has been enough to make the BJP bare its fascist fangs before the whole world. The main talking point after the first phase was the drop in voter turnout. The first phase was the biggest phase covering 101 seats (with elections countermanded in one seat) across sixteen states and four union territories, and the voting percentage dropped almost universally by close to five points.